ELN Accuses Colombian Military of Colluding with Cartels and Paramilitaries Amid Rising Violence
In a statement published on X, Colombia’s National Liberation Army (ELN) has claimed the Colombian military launched a joint operation against the ELN with Clan del Golfo, one of Colombia’s most prolific narco-paramilitaries. This statement was published in response to a statement published on the same social media platform by the Colombian Ministry of Defense, wherein the Minister of Defense and members of the Colombian military announced continued military operations against the ELN since the expiration of a ceasefire between the two organizations and the suspension of peace talks with the armed group under President Gustavo Petro.
Claims of "Parapolitics"
In the statement, the ELN claimed that on June 11, 2024, roughly two months prior to the expiration of the ceasefire between the government and armed group, members of the Dario Ramirez Castro War Front of the ELN engaged in combat with elements of Clan del Golfo, culminating in the capture of a paramilitary leader by the name of Jonefer Sayas Gallardo.
The ELN claimed in their statement that Sayas admitted to operating under the command of the Colombian military itself, a claim often levied by leftist armed groups such as the ELN and a splinter faction of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia known as the Estado Mayor Central (FARC-EMC). These claims have historically held some credibility, as the Colombian military has previously colluded with Clan del Golfo’s now defunct parent organization, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), between the 1990s and early 2000s. While the official statements by the Colombian government have denied any collusion with the AUC, members of the Colombian armed forces have later been implicated during investigations into these claims, including numerous military officers and politicians, with the latter being involved in the “parapolitics” scandal, which ultimately led to the arrest of over 60 Colombian politicians.
In their statement, the ELN reiterated their claims that the Colombian government is currently engaged in joint operations with paramilitary organizations across Bajo Cauca, Northeast Antioquia, and South Bolivar as part of the military’s counterinsurgency plan. The ELN further claimed the scope of the alleged joint operations is not possible to be launched “without the command and control of the High Command of the Military Forces,” due to the large amount of operational territory and the manner in which the in which the alleged operations have been conducted.
The ELN concluded their statement with a petition to the Minister of Defense, Iván Velásquez Gómez, to secure the release of Sayas through a commission “formed with the participation of the [Catholic] Church and the UN.” The likelihood of the Colombian military facilitating the release of Sayas is low, as by guaranteeing the release of an alleged paramilitary leader, the Colombian military would implicate itself in the ELN’s claims of launching joint operations with paramilitary organizations or at the very least possibly providing information, munitions, and other support for paramilitary organizations.
Continued Violence as Tensions Mount
Since the end of the ceasefire between the Colombian government and the ELN, engagements between the two groups have increased, which has ultimately forced President Gustavo Petro to announce an end to the peace process with the armed leftist guerilla group. Petro’s decision to terminate peace talks with the ELN followed the detonation of a car bomb in Arauca, which left two soldiers dead and 25 military personnel injured. This attack, alongside the ELN’s employment of “pistol plans,” a strategy consisting of targeting vulnerable soldiers and police in an effort to undermine morale and destabilize regions of interest to the armed group, and attacks against fuel pipelines underscore the increasing tensions between the two organizations.
The decision to terminate peace talks with the ELN has come as a surprise for many, as Petro has previously successfully negotiated peace deals with armed groups such as the ELN and FARC-EMC as part of the president’s plan to bring “total peace” to Colombia, ending the decades-long conflict that has taken an estimated 450,000 lives while hundreds of thousands of others have been declared missing amid the fighting.
While Petro’s plan made some strides in the early days of his presidency, securing a ceasefire with both the ELN on August 2023 and a splinter faction of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia known as the Estado Mayor Central (FARC-EMC), the plan faced fierce criticism from political opponents and Colombian citizens alike amid widespread allegations belligerent groups maintained illegal operations such as extortion, kidnapping for ransom, and drug trafficking, among others. Operations that violated the newly negotiated ceasefires.
Criticisms ranged from the previously mentioned allegations against armed groups alongside fears that the negotiated ceasefires would ultimately fail and fall through, fears that have been confirmed in recent months. Not only has the ceasefire between the Colombian government and the ELN expired with little hope for revival, a similar ceasefire with the FARC-EMC was suspended in March following an attack on an indigenous community, which led to the death of a community leader and the injury of two members.
After the attack, Petro announced that the ceasefire between the government and FARC-EMC was to be dissolved immediately while also reviving military operations against the armed group in retaliation for the attack. Since then, however, the FARC-EMC has launched numerous attacks against security forces, with notable examples including several attacks against forces in Morales, Cauca, and Jamundi, Valle del Cauca.
These attacks are believed to be in an effort to force the Colombian government to reenter peace talks with the FARC-EMC, with innocent bystanders acting as mere collateral to the narco-terrorist organization.
The ELN’s refusal to enter into another ceasefire with the Colombian government paired alongside the FARC-EMC’s increased operations against government forces have shown the weakening of Petro’s plan for total peace and the armed groups’ own increase in power during their respective ceasefires. Not only do the continued failures of Petro’s total peace plan spell ill tidings for the future of Colombia, the failures will also negatively impact Petro’s party’s chances at securing the presidential office in Colombia’s next presidential election in 2026. Petro himself cannot run for office in 2026 due to a constitutional restriction that prevents presidents from serving consecutive terms.
Attacks by the ELN are certain to continue as the group has made their opposition to a ceasefire under current conditions between the group and the government clear through numerous statements published both on X and in the group’s publication, Insurreccion. The ELN previously stated in Insurreccion 947 that the group’s lack of willingness to continue with peace talks largely revolved around the Colombian government's decision to enter talks with the ELN's Narino front outside of the national representatives for the armed group, a move the national leadership ultimately rejected. Other key issues include the slow pace of reforms promised by the Colombian government as part of previous peace agreements, an issue that has impacted other armed groups in Colombia, such as another splinter faction of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia known as the Second Marquetalia.
This group was founded in 2019 by a number of former FARC commanders disgruntled by the government’s lack of fulfillment of promised compromises. Currently, this faction of the FARC operates largely in northern Colombia along the Colombia-Venezuela border, a region that has historically held a significant presence of the FARC prior to their disarmament in 2016.
With the chance of reignited peace talks with the ELN seeming bleak, Colombia seems to be heading towards yet another bloody period as a part of the much larger Colombian conflict as armed groups continue to be resistant to long-term peace deals with the government.