Unconventional Adaptation in Africa

The African continent, both before the arrival of colonial powers and after, has been a land that forces its inhabitants to constantly adapt and innovate. From the flourishing forests of sub-Saharan Africa to the unforgiving deserts of the Sahel, environment and politics are enmeshed, shaping policy and driving innovation in response to the ever-unique situations that arise..Two examples, both with entirely different contexts and timelines, yet intimately connected, embody this 'unconventional adaptation' within the African paradigm..At the root of this adaptation is knowledge. Specifically, the knowledge that an authority, whether in the historical period or now, will almost always lack a form of crucial intelligence..So, what drives this so-called 'unconventional adaption' within the African continent? And why is it different from anywhere else in the world?.First, the recognition of institutional capacity challenges, whether that be a lack of resources, training, knowledge, or skills, has historically been and remains a key driver of unconventional adaptation in Africa. What makes this form of adaptation different from other regions of the world is the continent's unique landscape, from which arises unique predicaments, giving way to an oftentimes lax approach by authorities to moral considerations, both historically and in the contemporary period. Additionally advantageous, as will be highlighted, is the ability of the continent's contemporary governments to extract effective components of a previous government policy and implement them in a new form..Poachers Turned Game Keepers.The phenomenon of poachers laying down their snares and taking up positions as game keepers is not new, at least in Kenya..Since about 2013, and across Kenya, from the country's northern Samburu District to Taita Taveta in the south, poachers have increasingly turned away from the illicit industry and turned towards game reserves and national parks..A recent Al Jazeera article, published on July 13th, explores the use of ex-poachers as part of the Aberdare Joint Surveillance Unit (AJSU), stationed in Aberdare National Park, which lies just under 100 miles north of the capital, Nairobi..The park's ecosystem is home to a variety of endangered species, including the African golden cat, the black rhino, and black and white colobus monkeys, among others..In the park, the AJSU, which was founded in 2010 through a joint initiative between the Kenyan Wildlife Service (KWS) and Rhino Ark, a Kenyan NGO focused on wildlife conservation, patrols just over 400 miles of forest a month. Looking for and removing snares set by poachers, patrolling a 400km electric fence, and involving local communities in conservation work are just some of the activities required of the AJSU, whose scouts utilize the knowledge gained during their time as poachers to now combat the issue from which they once made a living..In 2022, in part due to a rising 'shoot-to-kill' policy adopted by gamekeepers, no rhinos were poached in the country, compared to the 59 poached in 2013. This points to the long-term effectiveness of units of 'turned' poachers such as the AJSU..The elephant population is also recovering, with high rainfall and a lack of tourists due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic resulting in an 'elephant baby boom' in Amboseli National Park in 2020. Data from the 2021 wildlife census states the existence of 36,280 elephants in the country, while that number is likely to be higher now, given the three years that have passed since the report's release..In light of the nation's conservation successes are new challenges, as highlighted by Al Jazeera, such as the illicit sandalwood and bushmeat trade. Charcoal burning also remains a constant challenge for the country's gamekeepers..Furthermore, in December 2023, two individuals were arrested with six pieces of elephant tusk, worth an approximate $9,000, highlighting the continued existence of the trade in the country, albeit in a lesser capacity..Much of Kenya's poaching issues are linked to its position as a key transit hub for illicit wildlife products to international destinations such as Asia and the Middle East. The port of Mombassa, situated along the Indian Ocean, saw an approximate 11.41 million tons of transit traffic in 2023, making it a major trade gateway..Nonetheless, as seen through the sheer drop in poaching incidents in the country, Kenya's unique approach to the issue through the utilization of former poachers can only be described as unconventional adaptation..Dismissing discussions on the morality of such a venture in pursuit of the crucial intelligence held by such individuals, and the mass of benefits they can bring to government programs, the Kenyan authorities are willing to 'make the trade' in order to achieve a larger goal..Is The Utilization of 'Turned' Combatants a New Phenomenon in Africa?.According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, an informant, also referred to as a 'justice collaborator,' passes crucial information to a given authority while remaining anonymous and are often uninvolved in the crime, incident, or event they are passing information about..On the other hand, a 'turned' combatant/individual is someone who was once heavily involved in activities of interest to a given authority and now works in conjunction with said authority, having a major role in operations conducted by the given authority, as the information or skills they provide is crucial to the functioning of the given task..This is seen in the case of the 'turned' Kenyan poachers. Instead of passing information to the Kenyan Wildlife Service or police while maintaining their position in a poaching gang, they completely eradicate that part of their lives in favor of aiding the once 'outsider' authority. The key concept here is the agency of the turned poachers, making life decisions based on their own free will..On the other hand, and at the basis of the phenomenon of 'turned' combatants in Africa, is the individuals lack of agency, essentially forced to supply their critical knowledge to the 'outsider' authority for fear of their life..One specific instance highlights this phenomenon in the historical period, namely, the use of 'tame terrorists' in the Rhodesian 'Selous Scouts' special forces unit. And while it may be prudent to assess the morality of the use of these 'tame terrorists', those considerations remain outside the scope of this article, which aims only to highlight the many instances in which the phenomenon of 'unconventional adaptions' occur in the African continent..'Tame Terrorists': The Selous Scouts.The Rhodesian bush war was waged from 1964-1979 and was fought by the armed forces of the Rhodesian government under Ian Smith and Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), the armed wing of Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), Joseph Nkomo's Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), the armed wing of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZANU)..In the eyes of ZANLA, ZANU, ZIPRA, and ZANU personnel, the Rhodesian bush war was a war of liberation, while the Rhodesian government saw the proliferation of the many armed groups within its borders as an existential threat to the Rhodesian state..Political considerations aside, the Rhodesian Bush War was the birthplace of many counter-terrorism techniques, many of which are still drawn upon today. Specifically, the trigger for these new, unconventional tactics lay in the minority Rhodesian government's acknowledgment that they were undermanned, under-resourced, and lacking intelligence, as the insurgents made a habit of disguising themselves as civilians, enabling them to slip away from the Rhodesian Light Infantry's (RLI) reach..This acknowledgment led to the creation of the Selous Scouts in 1973, who, upon the capture of guerrilla forces, would offer the prisoners the option to join the Scouts or face being hanged..The use of the 'tame terrs' as they were called, proved instrumental in many of the Scouts' operations, particularly pseudo operations in which the Scouts would imitate enemy forces, using knowledge supplied by the 'tame terrs' to move into insurgent areas without detection..Some intelligence estimates claim that the Scouts were responsible for 68 percent of all insurgent deaths in Rhodesia, illustrating just how crucial insider information is to the functioning of tasks requiring intimate knowledge of enemy tactics..In contrast to the Kenyan example, the 'tame terrs' often decided to join the Scouts while under duress, whereas the 'turned' poachers decided to leave the poaching life behind of their own free will..Thus, a difference between the two examples is drawn out. Despite this difference, the basis of the phenomenon remains, highlighting that when an African authority is grappling with institutional capacity challenges, it will increasingly adopt unconventional methods to achieve its goals..These unconventional methods often rely on the use of information provided by individuals once intimately linked to the very activity the given authority seeks to terminate..Conclusion.In Africa, unconventional adaptations arise as the result of unique predicaments in unique environments. Institutional capacity challenges have been, and remain, the key driver of these adaptations, with African authorities acknowledging their capacity and information gaps and moving to close those gaps through the use of highly informed individuals..This phenomenon illustrates the importance of intelligence and local expertise in tackling issues such as poaching and security threats, while also shedding light on the lax approach towards moral considerations on the use of such unconventional methods..In essence, and as the adage goes, 'African problems require African solutions' and, in light of the given examples, African solutions are unconventional.